To get a
measure of Malala’s courage, one only needs to look at pictures of
beheaded corpses on display in Mingora’s “Khooni Chowk”. It was no small
achievement to write those diaries, despite the gruesome warnings.
Therefore, it was no exaggeration when Malala was awarded the title of
“The bravest girl in the world”.
However, this title
can be a bit misleading because her courage surpasses not only that of
the girls of this world, but also of grown-up men. Men such as the
chairman of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), who confessed on TV that
he refrains from criticising the Taliban for fears of reprisals
targeted at the PTI.
Fear is a very human emotion and can
be a valid reason for maintaining silence, but under no circumstances
should it warrant the spreading of disinformation. It is a fact that
when Malala was writing her diaries from Mingora and detailing the
killings and destruction of schools, the chairman of the PTI, from the
safety of Islamabad, had declared all such news to be mere “government
propaganda”. More than flowers and commiserations, what Mr Khan owes
Malala is an apology for discrediting her efforts.
But
expecting such an apology would be a bit too much, because the PTI’s
campaign of disinformation still continues. Khan Sahib’s proposed
solution to the Taliban problem is one such example.
Declaring
it as the “only solution”, he presents three main steps towards peace:
Step 1: Pakistan distances itself from United States’ war on terror
(WOT), and as a result the Taliban lose the reason for their struggle.
Step
2: Convince the tribes of Fata that Pakistan is not fighting the WOT
anymore, and thus convince the Taliban to disarm. Mr Khan believes that
90 percent of the Taliban would lay their arms down at this point.
Step
3: If the remaining 10 percent still persist on ideological basis, then
a small “chota mota” military operation could be carried out with the
help of the tribes of Fata.
This strategy is based on some
very flawed assumptions, as Khan Sahib assumes that the people of Fata
are siding with the Taliban. To back this claim he invokes history and
then leaves it at that.
Historical references are
important to consider but more important are modern-day ones. This
“Tribal-Taliban-Unity” straw man stands exposed with the existence of
anti-Taliban tribal lashkars that are created through community
consensus. These communities have lost centuries old tribal structures
to the Taliban onslaught and have endured beheadings of their loved ones
on their native soil. As a result rather then being angry with the
Americans in Afghanistan, these rational Pakistanis are more perturbed
by the barbarians who are unlawfully ruling their villages through fear
and intimidation. Why is it that the rebellion of these entirely Pakhtun
anti-Taliban groups does not remind Imran Khan of the indomitable
spirit that resisted the British, while he is very eager to declare a
motley crew, including Chechens, Punjabis, Arabs, Turkmen, and Uighars,
as the “Pakhtun resistance”?
Similarly baseless is the
claim that 90 percent of the Taliban are fighting this war because of
Pakistan’s support to the WOT. The PTI’s failed attempt to hold a jalsa
in Waziristan proves the non-existence of this “90 percent”. If such an
overwhelming number of the Taliban agreed with the PTI, then PTI would
have been embraced as an ideological ally and Khan Sahib would not have
been titled as “a slave of the west”.
This “slavery” of Mr
Khan is certainly not about siding with the United States in the WOT,
because he has made his opposition quite clear on that front. However,
his slavery is signified through his beardless face, his approval for
female education, polio vaccination and his acceptance of many other
freedoms that we Pakistanis consider our basic rights.
It
is clear that the Taliban’s measure of freedom from the west is for
Imran Khan and the rest of Pakistan to be enslaved under Taliban rule.
The people of Waziristan and Swat have tasted this and the struggle of
Malala was against these exact “freedoms”. The Swat experience showed
that the Taliban would not settle for anything less than total control
and will not desist from expanding through violent means. If the
military is not needed to counter such an existential threat, then in my
opinion there is no need for a military.
A very common
retort to the military option is to ask what exactly we have
accomplished through operations so far. But if our military has failed
to deliver then that demands that its performance be reviewed, and not
that Pakistanis be handed over as hostages to a band of armed thugs.
The
bulldozed town of Loi Sum stands testament to highhanded policies
without any restraint. The discovery of Osama near Kakul and the
presence of Taliban sympathisers within our armed forces raise serious
concerns about the inherent weaknesses within our military response.
If demands are to be made of the government, then they should be to demand results from the army.
The
Taliban constitute an existential threat to Pakistan and the Pakistani
way of life. Despite the thousands of deaths, we still lack the resolve
to fight this menace. This lack of resolve emanates directly from the
confusion that prevails about this issue. The source of this confusion
lies in the ridiculous theories that don’t stand up to rational
scrutiny.
The price for this confusion is not being
equally paid by all of Pakistan. If handing over Swat and Waziristan to
buy the safety of Islamabad and Lahore is the “only solution” then it is
not a sustainable one, because sooner rather than later Pakistan is
bound to run out of these Pashto-speaking ‘lesser’ Pakistanis.
The writer is a freelance contributor. Email:iopyne@gmail.com; Twitter: tweets @iopyne.