Last
Sunday, the Congress party held a rally in Delhi to celebrate the United
Progressive Alliance government’s disastrous decision to open up
multi-brand retail to foreign direct investment. This proved that the
party has lost its basic political instincts. In fact, the Congress has
done what no other Indian party has done:
openly claim ownership of a
right-wing measure that favours a tiny elite but hurts millions. The
nearest anyone came to doing this was the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP),
with its “India Shining” campaign of 2004, which became a major factor
in its electoral defeat.
The Wal-Mart-style
hypermarkets to be promoted under the new policy will destroy
street-vendors and petty shopkeepers, who cannot match giant
corporations in attracting the upper middle class consumers through
predatory pricing. It will also make farmers and other suppliers
dependent on corporations which have every reason to squeeze them.
Going
by western experience, hypermarkets will gradually eliminate
competition and turn against the consumer too. Foreign-controlled retail
will promote a repugnant culture of greed and wasteful consumerism
that’s the opposite of environmental sustainability and social and
economic equity.
Yet, by linking the FDI decision to the
Congress’s “historic achievements” such as the Green Revolution in the
1970s and market-fundamentalist neoliberal policies since 1991, Sonia
and Rahul Gandhi have wiped out the distance the Congress had taken from
the UPA and Manmohan Singh.
Under the division of labour
prevalent since 2004, the Sonia Gandhi leadership projected a
left-of-centre image which fit in well with the progressive initiatives
proposed by the National Advisory Council. Her emphasis on equity and
inclusive growth was at odds with Singh’s policies. Now, that autonomy
from Singh – chipped away gradually through repeated dilution and
rejection of the NAC’s proposals on rights to food, education and
healthcare, and through a change in the NAC’s composition – has
vanished.
The Congress, which promised to be aam
aadmi-centric, has been reduced to chanting the mantra of GDPism, the
ridiculous belief that GDP growth is desirable in itself, regardless of
its employment and income effects. Economist Simon Kuznets, who
developed the concept of the GDP, disapproved of its use as a measure of
overall national well-being because it fails to distinguish “between
quantity and quality of growth, between costs and returns, and between
the short and long run.”
The Congress’s rightward shift
erases another lesson: the party has done well in elections whenever it
adopted a left-of-centre stance. It’s now cultivating foreign
corporations and a narrow upper class stratum and alienating the masses
just when its main opponent, the BJP, is extremely vulnerable.
Recent
media exposes of BJP President Nitin Gadkari’s shady business dealings
have made his position untenable, as borne out by great turmoil in the
BJP. The company Gadkari controls, Purti Power and Sugar, is owned by 18
shell companies, a majority of which have addresses in slums, and many
of whose directors are Gadkari’s employees, including his chauffeur,
besides having Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) connections.
The
key to Gadkari’s rise in the Sangh Parivar is money laundered and
routed through Purti. Purti has benefited handsomely from Gadkari
cronies such as Ideal Road Builders, whom he favoured as Maharashtra’s
PWD minister in 1995-99. The IRB, which had only built 10 km of roads in
six years, was given contracts worth hundreds of crores and became
Maharashtra’s biggest toll-road company. As if to return the favours,
its main owner loaned INR164 crores to Purti.
To their
disgrace, the BJP-RSS have unconvincingly defended Gadkari. The RSS
chief, at whose behest Gadkari was appointed party president, made the
amazing statement that “it’s not important how much money has been
earned; it’s important ... whether it has been put to good use or not”.
Such rationalisation of corruption couldn’t have been more blatant.
The
Gadkari expose’ highlights nasty personal rivalries within the BJP.
Gadkari has complained to the RSS that the person who leaked damaging
evidence against him is party national general secretary Arun Jaitley.
Jaitley probably has his eye on the party presidency, and is closely
allied with the RSS joint general secretary Suresh Soni. Although the
BJP constitution was recently amended to allow a second consecutive term
to the president, it looks improbable that Gadkari will get it when his
first term ends in December.
Gadkari’s embarrassment has
produced hidden glee among his many rivals and detractors inside the
party, not least former party president Rajnath Singh, Gujarat Chief
Minister Narendra Modi, and Jaswant Singh and Yashwant Sinha. Gadkari
riled Modi by appointing his bete noire Sanjay Joshi as election
coordinator in Uttar Pradesh. In retaliation, Modi refused to campaign
in the UP elections and eventually had Joshi dismissed from the party’s
national executive.
Gadkari, a novice to national
politics, never enjoyed much credibility, leave alone respect, in the
BJP. He was considered a clown, and duly acted out that role through a
series of foot-in-mouth comments. Many of his detractors have chosen to
tactically ally with Gadkari because they are loath to see either Modi
or Jaitley become the party president.
Various BJP leaders
are making different alignments to promote individual interests. Some
are even campaigning for the 85-year old LK Advani to be made party
president. Yet others are rooting for Modi. Many are watching the RSS’s
moves. The RSS has tightened its control over the BJP, and appointed
three senior leaders (in place of one) as coordinators of its relations
with the BJP.
The greatest gain from all the churning in
the BJP-RSS is undoubtedly to Narendra Milosevic Modi, already the most
powerful of the party’s second-generation leaders. Although the recent
judgment in the Naroda-Patiya massacre, convicting 31 people including
Modi crony and former minister Maya Kodnani, was an embarrassment, and
although his right-hand man Amit Patel is in trouble over the fake
encounter killing of Sohrabuddin, Modi’s stock remains high within the
Parivar.
The recent ill-conceived British decision, driven
by crass commercial reasons, to resume normal relations with the Modi
government after a hiatus of 10 years, and the apparent softening of the
US stand against granting him a visa, have also helped Modi. As has the
praise showered upon him by numerous Indian industrialists for
favouring them with sweetheart deals and enormous subsidies.
Modi
is making an aggressive bid for the top party job. His bid will gather
strength if the BJP wins next month’s Gujarat assembly elections. The
hitch is the RSS, which doesn’t fully trust Modi because of his
megalomania and highly individualistic style of working – despite his
self-evident commitment to violent Hindutva and his success in reducing
Gujarat’s Muslims to the status of second-class citizens. The RSS fears
that a Modi takeover of the BJP will damage the party.
Yet,
the RSS will have to give Modi a greater national role, perhaps as a
campaign manager. Real resistance to Modi is unlikely to come from
within the Parivar. It can only come from the BJP’s “secular” allies
like Nitish Kumar – if they gather the courage to oppose his bid for the
National Democratic Alliance’s prime ministerial candidate.
One
thing is clear. Modi has blood on his hands. His candidacy will
polarise the polity, and could help the Congress offset its continuing
policy blunders. That would be quite an irony!
The writer,
a former newspaper editor, is a researcher and peace and human-rights
activist based in Delhi. Email: prafulbidwai1@yahoo.co.in