If you are waiting for a new and improved Pakistan, don’t hold your breath.
For
those among us who say the upcoming elections are a turning point in
our short history, I say baloney. Better to be realistic than get
excited over imagined tidings.
Yes these elections are important, and
yes it is critical that they are held in a fair and transparent manner.
But no, they won’t usher in an era of major transformation in our
society.
For this to happen, much more needs to happen than one
electoral exercise. This something is not an event, it’s not a policy
and neither is it mere intent. It is something deeper, slower and much
wider, a journey towards a strategic transformation of society.
It is called creative destruction.
The
first thing that needs to be destroyed is the traditional narrative in
vogue now. A by-product of our turbulent political history since 1947,
this narrative revolves around the Military versus Civilian cycle. It is
replete with stereotypes of ambitious generals, corrupt politicians and
a flawed and broken political system that is exclusionary in nature.
This narrative extols democracy as an electoral goddess, and governance
as a step child of this deity. Citizens figure in this narrative as
passive individuals whose primary role is to vote once in five years and
keep their palms stretched for alms. Often they are bombarded with
promises of good things to come if only they support General X and
Politician Y, thereby according him or her legitimacy to rule over them,
in their name.
When the generals and politicians don’t deliver
immediate results, the narrative descends to a base and superficial
level, reducing national discourse to complaints like: “What has
democracy given us?” Or “At least I had a better standard of living when
a general ruled”, or “We need a strong man to sort everyone out.”
Caught
in a vicious cycle of abandoned promises followed yet again by false
hopes of a new land-of-plenty beyond the hills, Pakistanis trap
themselves into passive bemoaning. Their collective ambition is firmly
capped.
When ambition is scaled down, so are expectations. People
accept certain things, big and small, as part of life in Pakistan, never
to change. So leaders and voters internalise that police will always
torture because that’s how ‘things are done in Pakistan’. They accept
that rural areas will always remain undeveloped; that children of poor
will stay out of school; that the elite will stay above law; and garbage
will not be collected; that hospitals will remain filthy and expensive;
that only the rich will run for office, and certain families will
always lord over political parties. They accept that biradries will
determine voting patterns and merit will never prevail; that feudalism
and tribalism will not break down in form and substance and all
Pakistanis will stay rooted in traditional, ethnic and provincial
identities instead of seeing themselves first and foremost as citizens
of the State of Pakistan.
In short, we are forced to believe that
we will – forever and ever – remain a poor, underdeveloped,
tradition-bound, agrarian society.
Politicians feed off this
narrative like piranhas. So do generals and other societal elite. It
suits them. This narrative divides society in a neat hierarchy where
those who have all, will always have all because those who have nothing
are made to believe they will always have nothing. That is how
traditional backward societies are, and that is how – this narrative
says – Pakistan will always remain.
Wrong.
This narrative
must be destroyed. This traditional way of life must be destroyed. This
social hierarchy must be destroyed. This backward societal and political
structure must be destroyed. This elitist capture of the Pakistani
State must be destroyed.
This is not empty Marxist rhetoric. This is a lesson of history.
Britain
Glorious Revolution of 1688, France’s Revolution of 1789 and Japan’s
Meiji Revolution of 1868 transformed these nations from medieval to
modern states with pluralistic institutions, rule of law and wrenching
of power away from the grasp of the narrow elite. Of the three examples,
only the French Revolution had to undergo violent convulsions and a
brief return to absolute power, but within eight decades it returned to a
new social and political order.
In all three cases, it was not
random destruction. It was creative destruction. The old order was
destroyed to create a new order based on a modern restructuring of
society.
Pakistan cannot afford a bloody revolution. Such a
revolution would replace one elite with another, as happened in Russia
in 1917, when the Czar – enjoying absolute power, was substituted with
the Communists – enjoying absolute power.
We have crossed one
hurdle: no one person or institution holds absolute power in Pakistan
today. This is the beginning of the process which could lead to creative
destruction. Such destruction, however, will not happen automatically,
or with a gradual process of evolution. It will need to be pushed
through with deliberate, calculated aggression by those who are shut out
from the circle of the traditional, individual and institutional elite.
The upcoming elections will bring these traditional elite back
to power (perhaps with some changes if Imran Khan succeeds). The change
that Pakistan needs will not come through elections because this
exercise will merely redistribute power among those who have remained
perched at the top of the social, political and often economic pecking
order.
The change will come through when we begin to differentiate
between real and phony change. Change that we need – that we demand –
is a change where every Pakistani is equal before law; a change where
every citizen of this country enjoys a level playing field; where
innovation, talent and entrepreneurship begin to drive society; a change
where feudal and tribal systems start to collapse and a new era of
equality, merit and excellence spreads from Karachi to Kashmore, from
Lahore to Lasbela, from Rawalpindi to Rahimyar Khan.
The elite must lose if Pakistan has to win.
The writer is the host of “Tonight with Fahd” on Waqt News. Email: fahd.husain1@gmail.com, Twitter: @fahdhusain