China’s foreign policy under its new leadership will be
defined by an age old, well thought out strategic vision.
As a great
believer of China’s “scientific outlook” vision, I was most encouraged
to see this continuity element in the full text of Resolution of the
Eighteenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China on the
Revised Constitution of the Communist Party of China adopted at the
Eighteenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China on November
14, 2012: “The Scientific Outlook on Development is a scientific theory
that is both in keeping with Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, Deng
Xiaoping Theory and the important thought of Three Represents and is in
step with the times.”
Of perhaps all the emerging powers, China’s
sense of direction is least known for knee-jerk reactions and most
known for a long-term view of the world. Something Pakistani foreign
policy actors need to learn from. Today’s world in Chinese terminology
is called “yichao duoqiang”, which sees the world as unipolar as well as
multipolar simultaneously. It is seen as a transitory process towards
multipolarity. It is in this realistic context that Chinese foreign
policy interventions will be relevant to all of us.
This
realistic acceptance is coupled with the theory of “shi”, which
identifies the dominant power pole in the world order, and an assessment
of whether the power configuration can bring any harm to China. From
this derives the concept of following the general tendency, which will
lead China higher in the power projections or “Shunshi erwei”. This
process-oriented approach to foreign policy is unique to China and the
new leadership is expected to make its first deliberations in the same
light.
The last policy direction clearly spelt out by President Hu
in 2009 is worth remembering at this stage: (i) profound
transformation; (ii) a harmonious world; (iii) common development; (iv)
shared responsibility; and (v) active engagement. The general direction
going forward will be basically the same. However, keeping in view the
current international priorities, there will be a pull and push at China
for a role, which is more attune with its new economic leading world
status. Many in China believe that it should lead more and incorporate
“retribution and punishment” in its foreign policy narrative. Its
involvement in “global governance” discourse will certainly be
encouraged by the EU, since its leadership role will be sought on issues
like climate change, nuclear proliferation coupled with a commitment to
the MDG goals of the UN.
However, what is going to be watched
most carefully going forward is whether there will be a more flexible
approach to China’s “responsible stakeholder” role, which expects it to
be more collaborative interventionist. China is unlikely to be pushed
into any such misadventure by the West in its eagerness for asserting
its global leadership role because it goes contradictory to its “shi”
and identity.
The unique nature of Chinese foreign policy is built
around its emphasis on “relations”, which are of a permanent nature. We
in Pakistan take pride in our relations being as high as K-2 with
China. This imagery is not just restricted to Pakistan. For China’s
policymakers, “power and identity are both defined within the network of
relations” for all its key bilateral relations.
China has used
its “participatory development” model with the developing world to its
tremendous advantage. Its “relations” are built on economic
participation, which creates an interdependency that cannot be beaten by
knee-jerk “aid and run” operations of other Western powers. China’s
emphasis on building infrastructure and jointly exploiting natural
resources for the developing world are its secret to success at building
lasting relationships. I personally have been a witness to their
commitment to 24/7 development in distant areas of Pakistan. Unlike
Western countries, it has little interest in interfering in the domestic
democratic credentials of any country for obvious reasons. As such, it
expects the same when it comes to its own domestic policies. It
jealously guards its territorial integrity. As a recent example of this,
one can turn towards Chinese criticism of Japanese upper house
resolution and patronage of the Dalai Lama.
In terms of China’s
“responsible leader” role, it has demonstrated a balanced approach, as
can be seen in its recent reactions towards the Syrian and Iranian
crisis. For Syria, its four-point proposal “regarding ceasefire, end of
violence and the implementation of political transition” is being
welcomed as operable. Whilst for Iran, its belief in dialogue and
cooperation is seen as an important balancing factor in the face of
Western aggressive reaction. Its ability to draw all stakeholders into a
communicative process is something Pakistan needs to mirror so that
Iran’s isolation is reduced.
Similarly, Chinese commitment to
Palestine and Kashmir remains unflinching as well. Only recently, it has
expressed its commitment to the “two-state solution” with its firm
support to peace talks being the only correct way to achieving this
solution.
On nuclear disarmament, its position is unique. China
believes that nuclear disarmament should follow the principles of
“maintaining global strategic stability” and “undiminished security for
all.“ This has far-reaching implications, which are in line with the
harmonious world approach that China preaches so convincingly.
Whilst
China’s relations with the US remain the most crucial and difficult of
all its strategic bilateral relations, these, perhaps, don’t have as
much of an influence over China’s relations with the developing world.
Pakistan’s relations, as mentioned in the earlier article, have to
resolve the security and economic concerns that China has. The patience
China has shown over the attacks on its nationals is unbelievable.
Pakistan
must not make the task of our super-efficient Ambassador to China any
more difficult by not solving these security concerns. Whilst we
appreciate the work of the “Joint Economic Commission” of under-seeing
the second Five Year Development Plan ending in 2016, we need to aim for
being China’s top trading partner. This can only be accomplished with
economic stability in Pakistan. However hard our missions try at
achieving this feat, the state of the crumbling economy at home makes it
impossible. Only a responsive and responsible government, which
curtails corruption, can make these plans a reality. Chinese interest in
infrastructural project partnerships has not been given the highest
priority in the economic managers priority lists. Certain incidences of
extortion in the water and road projects by Pakistani officials have
mired this strategic relationship, which needs to be closer due to our
strategic proximity.
All of this must be seen in a larger context.
As younger leadership, we appreciate that the Chinese leadership’s
belief in the “Scientific Outlook on Development” needs to be a shared
objective in the Pak-China bilateral relations. Only when vision and
mission is similar will the strategy be in coherence. There can be no
disagreement on the fact that for development people need to come first;
that income needs to increase for the majority of the people; that job
opportunities need to increase; that unemployment needs to be reduced;
that environment needs to be protected; that law and order needs to be
maintained; and that education and culture needs to be advanced. There
can also be no doubt that harmony is required between man and nature;
between individual and other people; between the spiritual and the
physical; and between current and future generations. We agree that the
above “harmonious development” is the need of the region. It needs to be
achieved by intertwining of economic and social interests between
Pakistan and China.
With China’s continued emphasis on scientific
outlook, we at the PML-N are cognisant of our responsibility to
emphasise and encourage “collaborative intertwining”, as the new buzz
word in Pakistan-China bilateral relations with a special focus on the
following areas:
1- Hydropower projects, including small dams and run-of-the-river projects;
2- North-South Trade Corridor for
energy resource mobilisation;
3- Coal and mining projects;
4- Water treatment for waterworks;
5- Agriculture cropping projects for
diversification of export strategy;
6- High-end technology and telecom
joint venture collaborations;
7- Clean drinking water filtration
plants; and
8- Youth collaborations to extend
cultural, language and multimedia
cooperation.
As
the great leader, Deng Xiaoping, said: “Unless you are confident of
success, you can’t make proper policy decisions.” We are confident of
success in our “collaborative intertwining” efforts of our two societies
and we intend making proper policy decisions. In the final analysis, we
look forward to a realisation of the real strategic relationship with
China, which goes beyond how many times Pakistani leaders visit China.
And which stresses the need for a shared 2030 development vision, which
works beyond the fractured corrupt Pakistani institutions at fast track
for our most treasured ally. We commit to “collaborative intertwining”
of scientific outlook in Pakistan and China by keeping security and
economic joint ventures as key priorities and leveraging on our
“strategic proximity”.
The writer is a former parliamentarian. Email: marvi.nmemon@gmail.com