IN the last few days, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and
the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) have been going through the
motions of a subordinate’s bid for slightly greater power from a
superior. As ever, the superior wins. The reasons for this predetermined
end are historical, organisational and political.
The BJP is a political front of the militant RSS and very much
amenable to fiats from the RSS. This is made known to all by the manner
in which the RSS has been removing and imposing successive presidents of
the BJP and its predecessor, the Bharatiya Jan Sangh.
After the March 1977 general election the opposition parties’,
including the Jan Sangh, merged into a single party, the Janata Party.
It formed the government at the centre only to lose power in July 1979
following a split within its ranks. On April 5, 1980 the Janata Party
suffered another split when members of the erstwhile Jan Sangh walked
out when the party demanded that they should not “participate in the
day-to-day activities of the RSS”. Rather than do the honest thing and
revive the Jan Sangh they set up a new party, the Bharatiya Janata Party
(the BJP), avowedly as the truly nationalistic Janata Party.
Before long its leading lights like A.B. Vajpayee and L.K. Advani openly declared that the BJP’s parent was the Jan Sangh.
This body was set up on Oct 21, 1951 under a pact between the
Mahasabha leader Dr Shyama Prasad Mookerjee and the RSS supremo M.S.
Golwalkar. The politicians provided the ‘leaders’ but they were pitiably
dependent on the cadres lent by the RSS.
This is the true relationship between the BJP, successor to the Jan Sangh, and the RSS.
It is important to emphasise this because not only some Indians but
also observers outside, particularly in the US, fondly hoped that the
BJP would emerge rather like the Christian Democrats in Europe. This is
wishful thinking. The RSS never allowed its progeny to become
independent. If anything it has strengthened its control in the last
decade.
On Nov 3, 1954 the Jan Sangh’s president Mauli Chandra Sharma
resigned complaining belatedly of “interference by the RSS in the
affairs of the Jan Sangh”. He was accused of “betrayal” by a senior
member, Balraj Madhok. Later he became president only to be expelled
from membership of the Jan Sangh by its young president, Lal Kishen
Advani. Madhok had complained of “too much interference by the RSS in
party affairs”.
In December 2005 Advani was forced to resign as president of the BJP
by the RSS. He had given offence by the comments he had written in June
2005 in the visitor’s book at the mausoleum of Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali
Jinnah.
They read: “There are many people who leave an
inerasable stamp on history. But there are very few who actually create
history. Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah was one such rare individual.
In his early years Sarojini Naidu, a leading luminary of India’s freedom
struggle, described Mr Jinnah as an ‘ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity’.
His address to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan on Aug 11, 1947 is a
classic; a forceful espousal of a secular state in which every citizen
would be free to practise his own religion but the state shall make no
distinction between one citizen and another on the grounds of faith. My
respectful homage to this great man.”
It was a cruel blow. In 2004 the BJP lost power to the Congress and
Advani’s hopes of succeeding Vajpayee as prime minister were dashed. The
2009 general elections saw the Congress return to power. Advani turned
85 this month. But he pins his hopes on a possible impasse in the 2014
general election, given the Congress’s declining popularity. This plan
the RSS is resolved to defeat.
There is another aspirant to that post, Narendra Modi, chief minister
of Gujarat known for the anti-Muslim pogrom in 2002. The RSS finds him
too self-willed. This brings us to the genesis of the crisis in 2012. In
2005, the RSS had replaced Advani with the former chief minister of UP
Rajnath Singh. He was replaced on Nov 19, 2009, by Nitin Gadkari of
Nagpur, the headquarters of the RSS.
The whole country was shocked by disclosures last month that
Gadkari’s Purti Co. received money from other companies which hardly
existed. Where did he get the crores from? He undertook to face a probe,
an offer which Advani, no friend of his, lauded.
The RSS sent S. Gurumurthy, a chartered accountant and a lifelong
member, to conduct a ‘probe’. On Nov 6, he told a core group of the BJP
leadership — minus a sulking Advani — that Gadkari was neither morally
nor legally guilty of any wrongdoing.
They dutifully affirmed their “full faith” in Gadkari’s leadership.
Correspondents of repute attributed this to a phone call from Nagpur
by RSS supremo Mohan Bhagwat. Gadkari’s term as BJP president ends next
month. It is uncertain whether he will get a second term. For the RSS
had second thoughts. On Nov 13, Gurumurthy tweeted that his “clean chit”
was not for Gadkari, only for his companies.
What is more relevant is the reality of the RSS control of the BJP
and their ideology. Mohan Bhagwat holds “Pakistan is transitory and will
become part of India sooner or later … Pakistan and Afghanistan are a
part of us and will return one day” (India Today; Nov 18, 2009). That is
also Advani’s ideal though he is more circumspect. He spoke of an
Indo-Pakistan confederation, doubtless on his terms, on July 6, 2001, on
the eve of the Agra summit which he scuttled, and on Jan 22, 2002, when
Indian troops were massed on the international border and along the
LoC.
On Nov 10, 2012, Jaswant Singh asserted in a TV debate with Gen
(retd) Pervez Musharraf that the BJP alone can deliver the goods because
its nationalism is not suspect. His remarks on Muslims quoted by Strobe
Talbott in his book Engaging India reveal his ‘nationalism’. The BJP is
a menace to Indian democracy in India and an obstacle to a sound policy
towards its neighbours.
The writer is an author and a lawyer based in Mumbai.